Cohesion and Cooperation: Shi’a Islam and Cultural Practices of South Asia

– Sayyada Zainab Naqvi

Abstract

The ritualistic exchange and cross-cultural diffusion of Shi’a Islam in the South Asian sub-continent has taken shape as result of broader anthropological factors and historical processes. These processes often demonstrate a transcendence of religious demarcations towards social cohesion and communal harmony. The study attempts to historicise this cohesion in terms of its nature and processes, taking the discourse of Shi’a studies beyond the visible characteristics of a religious and cultural interchange. Much scholarship has ben produced on the theme, but a disregard for socio-cultural factors that shape this interaction is a major lacuna in the previous scholarship. The present study thus, aims at problematising the factors which gave rise to such a cohesion and seeks a new paradigm to study it. The paper delves into the socio-political factors of this interaction and especially takes note of the practices which developed regionally. In this paper, I examine the Hussaini Brahmin community of North India, the South Indian festival of Pirla Pandug a, the Nishān-i Paiki tradition of Bihar; all of which have emerged out of an efflorescence of religious and cultural identities and their expressions.

Keywords: Shi’a, South Asian Islam, Husaini Brahmins, Pirla Panduga

The Shi’a in South Asia: An Overview

Shi’a migrations in South Asia started well within the lifetime of Ali ibn Abi Talib (fourth caliph and the first Shi’a Imam, cousin and son-in-law of Prophet Muhammad) with the tribes of Sindh embracing Shi’a Islam. The Shi’a sought asylum in Sindh to escape the religious persecution of the Umayyads (AD 661-750) for the peaceful conditions of the subcontinent. The Ismailis, a sect within the Shi’a,arrived in Sindh in the ninth century. In the thirteenth century, we hear incidental references to the Shi’a byMinhāj Sirāj Jūzjānīin his Tabaqāt-iNāsiri. Ibn Batuta mentions a vibrant Shi’a presence in Delhi.

The Iranian traveler Shushtari referred to Hindus participating in Muharram ceremonies (the month of the martyrdom of Hussain, grandson of Prophet Muhammad) all over North India and constructing ta’zias in the late eighteenth century.

The entrenchment of Shi’ism in the Deccan (the southern peninsula of India) can be traced back to the States of Qutbshahis (1512-1687), and is noted at their capital Hyderabad, with a vibrant Shi’a population. Two other prominent Shi’a dynasties were the Nizamshahis of Ahmadnagar and the Adilshahis of Bijapur (1490-1686). In north India, the prominent Shi’a state of Awadh, with Lucknow as its capital, emerged as a Shi’a state in the eighteenth century after the breakdown of the Mughal empire. The Nawabs of Awadh (title of the rulers who governed the state of Awadh in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries) were Iranian immigrants who promoted and patronised Shi’a ceremonies and processions in the region.

Shi’a presence during Mughal rule revitalised with the Mughal encounter with contemporary Iran as a political asylum. The second Mughal emperor Nasir al-Din Muhammad Humayun (r.1530–40 and 1555–6), the second ruler of the dynasty, had escaped to the court of Iranian ruler Shah Tahmasp (r. 1524-1576) and had brought along many Shi’a nobles when he reconquered Hindustan (India) in 1555, after the Afghan interregnum (1540-1556). There are also references to Shi’a presence in taqiyya (dissimulation) at Humayun’s military camp, and Muharram assemblies being held by Bada’uni (prominent Mughal historian, 1540-1615 CE). So, a balance between openly professing Shi’a identity and hiding it to escape discrimination is notable. The reign of Emperor Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar (r.1556 to 1605 CE) saw the growth of Shi’a with large-scale migrations from Iran to Mughal Hindustan due to the tolerant religious policy of the emperor. Since then, numerous socio-political factors have shaped and transformed the practices and the identity expression of the Shi’a in South Asia.

Features of Shi’a Faith

The dominant and majoritarian Islam is based on a strict adherence to a set of religious obligations that govern the everyday life of a believer (like praying, fasting, paying religious taxes and performing pilgrimage). Despite prescribing the same religious obligations to its adherents, Shi’a Islam has more to its fold, something that appeals directly to human senses and kinesthetics. This is due to the presence of emotional quotient in the two basic Shi’a tenets: a) love for the Ahl-i bait or Panjtan (the Prophet’s family), and b) mourning the afflictions that the holy family endured, for the message of Islam to persist. Love and allegiance to the Ahl-i Bait and hatred for their enemies is a scriptural tenet of Shi’a Islam and the most defining aspect which sets it apart from the majoritarian Sunni Islam. The tragedy of Karbala to the Shi’a consciousness did not just involve a religious leader (Imam) and the principal figures of his family and friends martyred for their stand against the despotism of Yazid. It was also the kindest human, a son, a brother and most importantly a father whose family was subjected to inhumane torture and humiliation. This retelling of the tragedy moulded the Shi’a religious identity on a paradigm of emotion that could strike a chord with motherhood, sisterhood and elements of fatherly love. An adherent of Hinduism may not display interest in theological doctrines of Islam, but is a ready recipient of the emotion and the suffering that the Imam(a father, son and brother) had to undergo for that very cause due to the humanistic appeal therein. Emphasis on emotion and its organised communal expression marks Shi’a Islam as distinct from the majoritarian Islam. Since emotion is a trans-communal experience, it inherently enables cohesion. This emotional quotient is the primary demarcation between the interreligious interactions between different faiths and the cohesion attained by the Shi’a faith through its commemorative practices of ritual mourning and institutionalisation of grief during Muharram.

The commemoration activities are supposed to bring God’s approval, redemption and eternal bliss to the life of the mourners as per popular traditions. The impact of the event of Karbala (680 AD) altered the very identity of the Shi’a faith. This event transcends its significance as a legacy, a legacy larger than the event itself. Owing to the legacy of Karbala, Shi’as venerate sacrifice, martyrdom, kindness, and above all peace, and a disdain for bloodshed. As Yann Richard notes: Shi’a not only honor their dead, erect the most sumptuous monuments to their saints, and organise pilgrimages to the tombs of the Imams and their descendants, but also turn death and martyrdom into the focal point of their devotions. By its very nature, the incident of Karbala involving principal figures of Shi’a Islam was moldable on an emotional front which could strike a chord with motherhood, sisterhood, and elements of fatherly love.

Thus, mourning the afflictions that befell the Ahl-i Bait, organising mourning ceremonies (majlis) , writing elegiac poetry (in local languages), reciting lamentations, bringing out processions etc., during the month of Muharram are activities which are part of normative and global Shi’ism. Since scriptural Shi’ism does not recommend a specific manner in which grief/reverence is to be expressed and commemorated, this space has cultivated and promoted local expressions, newer identities and different ritualistic and religious activities because of the incredible regional, religious, linguistic and social diversity of the Indian subcontinent.

Features that Enable Cohesion

It is not essentially the religious characteristic of the Shi’a faith that brings about this cohesion, rather it stems from the accessibility of performed and ‘lived religion’ to the general masses through public processions and mourning rituals. Public processions enable larger participation and instill curiosity of the masses along with the promise of redemptive and wish-granting powers of the zikr (remembrance)of those slain in the path of God. Elegiac poetry, for instance, is always written in local and vernacular languages using tropes and emotions accessible and relatable to the local audience. Cohesion of Shi’a practices with Indian practices is unique because, despite their doctrinal and theological foundations, these practices have a strong subcontinent flavour to them. A strong emotional component of Shi’a Islam vis-à-vis the majoritarian Islam is a trans-communal factor that enables cohesion.

As we shall observe in this paper, the groups who express these emotions in innovative ways are mostly the non-Shi’a (Sunnis and Hindus) who have received the story of Karbala in a local tone. Since emotions of love and grief are two primary human emotions easily accessible and relatable to all, jurisprudential considerations assume a subsidiary role and local forces and actors assume a dominant role. These actors form part of the lived religion as the community processions generally welcome outsiders, showing interest in their practices and faith.

The concept of infallible Imams is another defining feature of Shi’a Islam and a binding factor for Shi’ism and Hinduism. According to Shi’as, this concept infuses in humans a touch of the divine as Imams can perform miracles due to their nearness and proximity to God.In this sense, Shi’a Imams resemble the deity-like gods of the dominant Hindu religion of the sub-continent. Sharing their grief bonded humans despite religious differences. Geertz noted that Hussain’s suffering and martyrdom demonstrated how to make physical pain, personal loss, or worldly defeat
sufferable. Performed activity creates culturally embedded meaning when viewed between the performer and the observer. Habermas identifies these tendencies as ‘complementary learning processes’. Commemoration of Muharram is the most visible expression of Shi’a cohesion within Indian cultural practices, and Cole suggests that Hussain assumed the status of‘a god of death’ in the Hindu psyche. His bloodstained horse and his severed head lifted aloft on Umayyad staves present no less terrible an aspect than Kali Durga with her necklace of skulls.
Visible and symbolic aspects of the Muharram commemoration rituals closely resemble to the consciousness of a more visible God of Indian Hinduism, which played a greater role in Hindu integration in the processions. These symbols include the ta’zia, which is a symbol of the tomb of Hussain, a spread palm of hand symbol (panja) which represents the five members of the Ahl-i Bait, the battle standards or alams, reminiscent of the battle of Karbala, a miniature metal cradle symbolising the infant killed by an arrow, a mashq (leather water bag used for storing water) representing the water denied to the camp of Hussain. All these articles are displayed in ashoorkhanas or azakhanas. This Muharram paraphernalia attempts to invoke more immediate emotions and sympathy with Hussain’s cause through articles that are reminiscent of his Karbala afflictions. Sharing devotional and public spaces plays an important role in the intermixing and diffusion of practices.

Along with the emotional temper attached to Muharram, another factor which enabled the large-scale participation of the non-Shi’a populations in South Asia is the approach that Shi’a leaders and majlis   –reciters adopt while narrating the episodes of Hussain’s life. Shi’a religious leaders admit that they sometimes overlook (or even encourage) theologically or historically inaccurate representations because certain popular beliefs tend to increase faith among the unlettered. These and other imbrications, layered upon an older cultural matrix, make people of the region feel that they, too, are part of Islam’s meta-history. Metaphorical usages of good versus evil tropes enable a successful translation of the ‘Karbala Paradigm’.Hussain’s adversaryYazid, signified evil, which is so much laden in Hindu mythology in the form of Ravana and asuras (demons). In the political sense, the oppressor became associated with yazidiatwhich became a metaphor for cruelty. Some notable Shi’a depicted the colonising British powers as the ‘evil Yazid’ during1857-58, the first nationalist uprising against the colonisers. A significant Shi’a population  participated in the uprising of 1857, contrary to the misconception that the Shi’a remained aloof of the freedom struggle. The mutiny of the Indian troops had started in Meerut on 10th May, 1857 and reached the cities of Lucknow and Faizabad. The Lucknow sepoys mutinied on 30thMay and later joined by thousands of tradesmen and labourers (including Shi’i, Sunnis and Hindus) looted the British cantonments. The Shi’a rajas (big landlords) of Mahmudabad and Bhatwamau had joined Hindu rajas to fight against the British forces. The revolutionaries from Faizabad and Sitapur were led by Khan ‘Ali Khan, the deputy of Raja of Mahmudabad. Later, during the siege of the British residency, Gubbins (British official at Lucknow) reported having heard the cries of “Ya ‘Ali” (O ‘Ali) from the besiegers, most likely a war cry to be raised by the Shi’a protesters.

Cohesion as a Historical Process: The Hussaini Brahmins

The caste group of Hussaini Brahmins is the most defining example of the social cohesion of Shi’a Islam in South Asia. Originally the sect belonged to the Mohiyal sub-caste of the Salt Range region of pre-Partition Northwest Punjab (now Pakistan) and became noteworthy in the nineteenth century. The caste was prominent in regions of Sindh, Lahore and Punjab. The adherents of this group still participate in Muharram processions, write lamentations, poetry, and make lavish ta’zias. Mohiyal oral legends insert their ancestors as helpers of the bereaved Imam during the events that unfolded at Karbala and claim that it was a Hindu Brahmin who first recognised the miraculous powers of the severed head of Hussain when Yazid’s army was enroute to Damascus with the spoils of war. The Brahmin attempted to preserve the sacred head by slaying his sons and offering their heads as ransom to the army. Eventually, the Brahmin was killed and the head was seized by the army. Dutt caste, an offshoot of the Mohiyals­ associated themselves to the warrior clan of Mukhtar Saqafi (d. 678), who went on to avenge the blood of Hussain from the Umayyad forces. The legend was copied by T.P. Russell Stracy, a British Accountant General for Punjab who was preparing lists of quasi-historical narratives maintained by various Indian sects for British records.

The probable origin of this tale of the wonder-working head and the priest who sacrificed his own sons to save it lies with the Qizilbash Kurds. In the Christian-Muslim socio-religious context, it was an Armenian priest named Akh (Ar. brother) whose house Yazid’s army had stopped by, enroute Damascus. It was this priest who guarded the head of Hussain and sacrificed his sons to preserve the holy head. This tradition is invoked in explaining the religious affinity between Qizilbash and the Kurdish tribes with the Armenian Christians. In another tradition, the Christian priest became aware of the powers of the severed head when he saw a pillar of light descending on the head from heaven. He paid a considerable sum to Yazid’s soldiers for keeping the head to himself for an hour. The monk took the head in his lap and cried, and he asked the head to bear witness to Muhammad that he testifies that ‘there is no God but Allah and Muhammad his messenger’. He then returned the head to the soldiers. When they proceeded to divide the coins that the monk had paid to them, to their surprise, they had turned into pieces of clay with an inscription stating: ‘the wrong-doers know what fate awaits them.’

These traditions demonstrate a social intercourse of different religious identities united by humanity and love for personalities sacred to the Shi’a fold. The story of the holy head is part of Shi’a folklore and the association of Hindu or Christian figures in the narration shows how these stories serve a dynamic cultural and social function. The story further establishes a mythical connection between the Shi’a of the subcontinent to those of the Middle East.

There is little historical truth to the Dutt claims; nevertheless, the group exists and is reflective of the cohesion between Hindus and Shi’ites. The earliest references to them as a caste are found in the British census records. Another reference is in the nineteenth century work Haft tamāshā (Seven Celebrations) of Mīrzā Muhammad Ḥasan Qatīl which is ethnography of the castes and religious sects in the Awadh region. Qatil expresses his disapproval of people who associate themselves with fables without verifiability; nevertheless, he appreciates the coexistence of different religious expressions residing together in Awadh.

Lyons points out that Mohiyals, historically, were an opportunistic group who defined their identity with respect to the ruling class of the age. The group first moved up in the social ladder as Brahmins through a process of Sanskritization to evade being listed as low castes by the British census of 1872 to prevent the loss of positions in the military and civil services. The second round of this redefinition was aimed to impress the Shi’a elite by aligning themselves with Hussain’s cause in a Muslim principality. The group registered itself as a martial caste who is both warriors and belongs to the Brahmin caste. This impersonation could also justify their claim of having fought for Hussain at Karbala since Brahmins are not known to be fighters in the Indian caste system. The irony of how the ‘prince of the youths of paradise’ of Islam (Hussain) brutally killed by the adherents of the very faith his grandfather founded was helped by apparent kafirs(an Arabic term for non-believers of Islam) makes room for an imaginative intervention. This irony has direct semblance if not with history, then with the fact that the memory and remembrance of Karbala, so often rejected by mainstream Muslims­, is more cherished by the Hindus. Writing in the nineteenth century Awadh, Qatil refers to the stories made up by the Brahmins to impress the Shi’a state, which actively patronised Shi’a activities. Another binding factor in how the group identifies itself not as ‘Hussaini Hindus’ but as ‘Hussaini Brahmins’, is that Brahmanism closely aligns itself with Sayyid purity constructs. Imamate is a legacy determined by pure and chosen birth, upon which the difference between the Shi’a and Sunni faith rests. Brahmins, on the other hand, are at the top of the Indian caste pyramid. The existence of this group is best be explained as a result of the performance of public rituals of Shi’a Islam during Muharram, which might have motivated its members to associate their own identity with Shi’a history to legitimize their claims of a past connection. Mere participation in rituals would not grant a license to claim the legacy unless they inserted themselves in a relationship with the Imam whose grief they remembered as their own. This reaffirms Oman’s observation that religion is not fundamentally grounded in objective historical occurrences; rather, these events, reshaped by the believer’s imagination, frequently lend a semblance of reality to the tenuous foundations upon which successive generations of astute theologians and aspiring priests have constructed the intricate edifice of dogma and ritual.

A distinct identity emerged out of a historical cohesion and coexistence of religious sects in the case of Hussaini Brahmins, the following section explores the festival of PirlaPanduga in a south-Indian village and shows a contrasting yet similar phenomenon of how religious practices can get altered as a result of large-scale diffusion of beliefs and religious practices. The phenomena are contrasting, as in the case of Hussaini Brahmins it is a distinctive identity and a social group which emerged out of the intermingling of different religious identities, in the case of Gugudu, however it is only the performance of religious rites and practices which have altered and assumed local colour and not the social group that performs them.

PirlaPanḍuga: The South Indian Muharram

The commemoration of Muharram by the inhabitants in the South Indian village of Gugudu in Andhra Pradesh is a unique instance of the diffusion of religious practices among diverse groups which coexist. Afsar Muhammad discusses how the village has received the story of Karbala in a remarkably local tone and interpretation. Hindu and Muslim inhabitants of the village commemorate the tragedy of Karbala during the first ten days of Muharram. The Islamic terminology related to the festival is Teluguised so alams are called pirs, ziyarat becomes a more Hindu darshanam, spiritual atonement acquired through the ziyaratbecomes barkattu (blessings), recitation of fatiha (the short first surah of the Qur’an) is locally known as fatiha puja. The rites revolve around Kullayappa, a Muslim ascetic who brought Islam and the story of Karbala to  the village. He was the disciple of Baba Fakhruddin (d. 1295 CE/ 694 AH), a Persian Sufi of the Suhrawardi order who spread the message of Sufism throughout the Deccan. Over time,Kulayappa, acquired a deity-like status as he was inserted into the story of Karbala as well. There is a mausoleum for this saint in Penukonda. Kullayappa literally means ‘a god with a cap’ (kullah is Persian for cap, and appa is the local Telugu word for God or father). The locals also associate Kullayappawith the Ramayana epic. It depicts him as a reincarnation of Hindu deity Rama in the bodily form of a Muslim priest. Many pilgrims flock to Gugudu during the ten days of Muharram to participate in the procession of the pirs.

Gugudu Muharram highlights how the public perceives messages in a local context and understands them despite the historical non-verifiability of the story. Both Hindus and Muslims claim a share over this saint. Vaishnavas consider him the final incarnation of God Vishnu, while one group of orthodox Muslims in the region explains the origin of Kullayappa based on the Qur’an. During the days of Muharram, the devotees visit the Pir house, perform fire-walks, and serve food as part of the rituals, a reminder of the deprived martyrs of Karbala. Along with many similarities, the festival has its distinctive and local flavor, for instance, dancing and singing, which are never part of the traditional Muharram rituals elsewhere.

Another example of localisation of performed religion is the custom of mehendi held as part of the mourning ceremony of Qasim, the minor son of Hasan, martyred at Karbala. It is part of the commemorative rituals performed during the first ten days of Muharram in pretty much all the regions of India. The Imamzada(son of Imam)was, as per the wish of his late father, was married to Hussain’s daughter Kubra, a night before the fateful battle of Karbala. Indian society holds the event of marriage as an auspicious and awaited event, and the excitement and value attached to the celebration are significantly more than in other world cultures. The mourning for Qasim, scheduled traditionally on the seventh day of Muharram, is marked by a poignant display of the mehendi. In Indian culture, the mehendi is carried from the bridegroom’s house to the bride’s house a day before the marriage. To commemorate the bittersweet event of the wedding before the battle, Indian Shi’a prepare a cardboard structure with red, yellow and green paper ornamented with mica and tinsel. The structures are built to carry plates of mehendi and candles. It was during the days of Awadh nawabs that this tradition took form and involved a parade with drummers and a setup of an actual wedding procession to invoke the tragedy.

Apart from cities, the events are marked by accelerated feelings of grief and frenzy in qasbat (rural areas). Lamentations for Qasim have special stanzas referring to the ordeal of the bride on the news of his martyrdom. For the procession, the mehendis are carried from the Imambarah(local structures dedicated to the commemoration and majlis ceremonies for Hussain)to the Karbala (local replicas of the original tomb of Hussain in Karbala). The lamentations speak of how his bride broke her bangles (choodiyan)on receiving the news, glass bangles are typically an Indian ornament associated with newly wedded women. Breaking bangles signifies widowhood in Indian culture. This imagination is a result of the intermixing of communities and the adoption of local customs into the Muharram processions. The exhibition of the Indian ritual triggers emotion and appeals more to its participants. These innovations have nothing to do with the original event which was more austere and a mere fulfillment of a vow. Prominent marjas have addressed this issue in a lenient way, the regard for local customs and the greater concern for the propagation of the message of Karbala perhaps drives this consideration.

Another practice that has evolved out of the mehendi as part of the mourning rite for Qasim bin Hasan is the dulha or bridegroom custom where young boys impersonate Qasim during the commemorative practices. The practice is prevalent in Hyderabad and Gujarat. Parents vow their young boys to the spirit of the unfortunate groom slain on the day of marriage in Karbala. The rituals, which resemble tantric Hindu rites take place for long durations till one of the young boys who has vowed himself to the groom becomes possessed by the spirit of the groom and receives his hal. Activities are performed revolving around the nal sahib or the horseshoe of Qasim, which was a relic brought by a notable from Iraq. Women bring their vows to them asking for marriage and children. I am unaware of the continued prevalence of this practice, the Bombay Gazetteer reproduces a vivid and graphic account of this practice in its Muharram section. All these practices reveal a more profound local impact that the story had on felt emotions and reflect aspirations of a male child and the dream to see him as a groom, manifested closely in the takeaways of the local populace from the tragedy.

A prominent item in the commemorative paraphernalia of the Muharram processions is the ta’zia which has served the purpose of developing cohesion among Hindus, increasing devotion and participation in Muharram as it is a visible and immediate component for the observance of Karbala. Much is written about the ta’zia in terms of description and the procession rites, but less focus is given to how the ta’zia intersects with Hindu rites. There is a striking similarity between ta’zia’s submersion in a water body at the end of the procession and the Hindu custom of submerging the idols of Kali and Ganpati during Durga puja and Ganpati visarjan(submersion). Interestingly both processes have come to symbolize funerary rites and the cycle of birth itself. Ta’zia immersion stems from the wish to grant proper funerary rites denied so unjustly to those slain at Karbala. The whole act gives closure and a promise of divine favor and atonement through the intercession of Husain on the day of judgement. Hinduism, on the other hand, adopts the whole imagery for the symbolism of the cycle of life and death in the procedure of immersion of idols of Ganpati and Durga and is held more popularly in Maharashtra and Bengal. Korom and Chelkowski highlight the influence of ‘indigenous rituals and festivals’ on Muharram practices in India, pointing to the similarity of the ta’zia custom to the ‘immersion of Hindu icons at the conclusion of processional rituals such as the Durga puja’. The extensive participation of Hindus and Sunnis in the story indicates the ecumenical nature of the Muharram rites in India. As Hollister explains, ‘the human heart hungers for an understanding and sympathy not found in Islam’s rigid insistence on arbitrary power, and that something of that hunger is met by the idea of a mediator with a human touch within Islam.’

Making a Vow to the Ta’zias

The act of making a vow initiated an assimilation and participation of various religious and regional identities into Muharram practices. Vowing to the ta’zia involves elaborate rituals in which the participants, mostly Hindu women are supposed to send something they vowed, to the ta’zia maker. They then recite the Fatiha (prayer), break a coconut and distribute the juice, sherbet and milk to those present. Breaking coconut is a Hindu rite signifying the auspicious beginning of an event or the arrival of something new. Mostly females make the vow to the ta’zia, and this requires them to continue standing and keeping watch at it through the ninth night till the ta’zia is carried off on the final tenth day; others vow that they will roll on the ground before the ta’zia on every tenth of Muharram till its final interment if their vows are fulfilled. These customs can be noted especially in regions like Gujarat, where the Cambay Nawabs patronised Shi’ism to a large extent. Oman opines that Hindu instincts and ways of thought present among Indian Muslims have brought into existence several beliefs among which are the efficacy of vows offered to dead saints and the employment of the ta’zia, the miniature shrines of the martyrs of Karbala, known in India as tabuts, which have the first place in the ceremonies.

Hussain’s Messengers: Nishān-i Paiki

The custom of Nishān-i Paiki, prevalent among the Sunnis and Hindus of Bihar, seems an extension of the tradition of ta’zia vows. The Hindu castes, of the Kayasthas, Agarwala, and Rajputs, follow this custom. The system of paiki is also prevalent among the Bihari Muslims living in Dhaka, in Kolkata. Paiks are young boys who can be identified in the Muharram processions by tiny bells tied to their waists, a cone-shaped turban, a yak’s tail and the alam flag in their hands. Their parents believe that they were born as a result of the vow made to the Imam for a male offspring. Thus, to return the favour for the granted wish, they dedicate their sons in the service of Imam for three consecutive months of Muharram or their entire lives. They render their service by acting as the messengers of the Imam alluding to the messengers of Karbala who conveyed the Imam’s letters to his only daughter who was left behind in Madina and did not accompany him to Karbala on account of illness. Throughout the ten days of Muharram they do not rest, eat, or sleep but wander in the city surviving on people’s charities. During these days paiks are not supposed to shower, nor eat or sleep at home, they eat food given by others at mosques or Imambarahs and sleep in one of those open spaces. On their trip from one Imambarah to another and, from slum to slum, camp to camp, or neighbourhood to neighbourhood, they also end up visiting relatives, delivering news and letters, staying on to take a break and participating in the festivities of the respective locality.

The custom of paiki was introduced in the region of Kanpur by Bihar immigrants. The tradition has close resemblance to the rural practice of Jajmani in which men were traded in return for physical labour and services to the landlord of the village. One can observe two social phenomena in this practice: a) the age-old preference of a male offspring which gained credence in texts like Manusmiriti and Dharmasutra literature which infused desire for male child among the masses: and b) the intersection of economic and social practices of bonded labour prevalent all over India wherein the poor had to lend their children in service to the rich landholders in the case of non-payment of agricultural dues or financial concessions. The participation is greater within the Kayastha scribal caste of Bihar in Muslim customs, owing to their long association with Muslim rulers as secretaries and revenue department civil servants.

One can observe how performed activity assumes local colour due to its accessibility to the general masses, and that the masses are conscious of the aspects they want to adopt. As evident in the village of Gugudu, the Muharram practices and beliefs of Hindus and Sunnis is a result of the localisation of religious sentiments in the process of the Islamization and proselytising activities of Sufi saints. The paiks of Bihar, on the other hand demonstrate the participation of dispossessed and low caste groups who adopt Muharram practices in quest of their own identity and redemption.

Conclusion

Sentiments of love and grief, re-enactment of the battle of Karbala, writing of elegiac poetry and performing it, and public processions played a central role in the diffusion of Shi’a rites and religious practices in the religiously and regionally diverse society of the Indian subcontinent. Due to the prolonged performance and demonstrations of Muharram in public, these expressions have acquired local and regional attires but these expressions also foster cohesion in their own right as themes of good versus evil, truth versus falsehood, cruelty versus humanity have a Universalist appeal. External members have not just merely participated in these expressions but their participation has left deep imprints on the Shi’a practices too. Adoption of local customs like mehendi, Indic elements and terminology in the elegiac poetry written for the martyrs, immersion of ta’zia, are all a result of this cohesion. One can surmise that the existence of social groups like that of Hussaini Brahmins testifies to the close association and social intercourse of Hindus and Muslims residing together and in close proximity.
This paper hows how Shi’ism transcends doctrinal strictures because it thrives on emotion-driven rituals. Expressing emotions or grief does not have a defined structure. Mourning ceremonies of Muharram in India are not exclusive to the Muslim community and they welcome all those who share a thought for the deprived and tortured souls of Karbala. This remains a vital source of courage for the masses as anyone can relate to those feelings of separation and loss of a loved one to disease or suffering. Thus, Karbala and the Muharram commemorations are highly malleable edifices which have a propensity to cut across religious and regional distinctions.

This study would be incomplete without taking a note of practices which did not get assimilated into the larger scheme of Shi’a cohesion in the subcontinent. One cannot conclude on the basis of the above discussion that cohesion is something that naturally occurs when different groups reside together; specific, context-dependent processes enable them. Cohesion may not occur with other processes despite the presence of the concept already present in the other culture. These factors are embedded in the social and cultural backgrounds of the people who interacted with these expressions. At times these also intersect with the political consciousness and location of the members. In Iran for instance the ta’ziais not just the miniature tomb which was part of the processions, it is a passion play which involves actors performing the tragedy of Karbala as representational acts during the Muharram processions. This was a tradition which emerged out of folk theater centered in a fixed playhouse. But this did not diffuse in Awadh where Muharram processions were done with much pomp and show for the ruling house. This was because Shi’i notables there did sponsor Hindu-style plays about Rama and Krishna, and perhaps these performances preempted the development of alternative theatrical tradition. But in the regions of Hyderabad and Mumbai this was not the case and plays that bear considerable influence with their Iranian prototypes are performed with much gusto during Muharram.

Rising Salafism (the revivalist puritanical movement within Sunni Islam) and the Hindu right-wing have posed a threat to social cohesion and religious integration. Identity redefinition due to rising communal tensions is making religious distinctions more rigid. Particularly visible is the case of Hussaini Brahmins who were once a celebrated minority in the Nehruvian era but are now sidelined as a politically insignificant group with a loss of connection with their practices. The community bears witness to the times of mutual respect and trust among elements who hailed from different religious backgrounds. They testify an era which is representative of India as a melting pot of differences and a synthesis of good found in every religion. That is something that needs to be preserved at a time when religious fanaticism, hardening of caste and religious differences as borders and not bridges is rife.

Metcalf has studied the use of scriptural sources that began to play a significant role in the critique of existing local religious practices. She observes these actors as a group of men, scholarly and pious, who argue by any means of propaganda, that Islam as practiced in their society is misguided. This can also be noted at Gugudu where fundamentalist Hindus and Muslims are discouraging people from flocking to the pirs during Muharram. The problem of the religio-political ideology of Hindutva is also a potential threat to this cohesion and not only disregards historical processes that shape these formulations, but also poses a potential threat to members adhering to fluid religious ideologies and practices.